Giving in? Failure? From Zehut Chairman Moshe Feiglin’s point of view, dropping out of the race in favor of an agreement with the Likud is the best way, at the moment, to accomplish his goals. He reveals how far the contacts for running with Bennett had advanced, affirms that the dream of running independantly in the future should not be dismissed, and is not preparing a furious speech for the possibility that Netanyahu doesn’t fulfill the agreement.

By Shirit Avitan Cohen
Friday in Makor Rishon, 6 Elul 5779 (06/09/2019)

Moshe Feiglin comes straight to this interview from the office of chairman of the Central Election Commission, where he announced the resignation of his Zehut Party from the elections to the 22nd Knesset. In doing so, he fulfilled the first step in the agreement signed last week between him and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. According to the agreement, Zehut will not run in the elections, will prevent a waste of right wing votes, and will call on its supporters to vote for the Likud. Netanyahu, for his part, pledged to appoint Feiglin as a Likud’s minister with an executive function, and as a member of the ministerial committee on legislation, as well as promote a series of moves including permission to purchase cannabis for medical needs (Legalization for Patients), leniencies for new businesses, approval of imports of products that received passed standards abroad, and more.

Many were surprised to see Feiglin, who has never been suspected of pragmatism and political realism, folding the flag, moving aside the party he founded and whose detailed platform he authored, and standing at Prime Minister Netanyahu’s right hand. As he sees it, it turns out, the picture is completely different.

What led you to this decision? What about believing in the justice of your path and to your determination?

“It was precisely the belief in the justice of my path that led me to this agreement,” Feiglin replies. “Adherence to the goal led me to quit the Likud after twenty years, and it had previously brought me to move from “Zo Artzenu” to the Likud. The goal was not “Zo Artzenu”, which I closed down to establish “Manhigut Yehudit”. The goal was not Manhigut Yehudit, which became Manhigut Yehudit in the Likud. The goal wasn’t the Likud, either, so we established Zehut, and we’re continuing to develop and strengthen Zehut in every way possible. The goal isn’t the running itself, but fulfilling the goal, and if Zehut can fulfill the goal this way, with a much higher likelihood, that’s what it will do.”

For Feiglin, the fact that Zehut won’t be running in the elections for the 22nd Knesset isn’t a failure, but rather the opposite. “Look, there’s a lot of agony and pain in this whole process, but when I look at the totality of the 2019 elections on both dates, the big winner is the Zehut Party. Politics is a marketplace of ideas, not a marketplace of people. I know this has been out of the Israeli lexicon for a long time, and elections are treated like a sports competition – who won, who lost, and how many goals did each team score. But that’s not the idea of politics and parties at all. Parties are booths at a fair, and everyone is supposed to offer its ideological merchandise. The only party that brought new ideological merchandize of vision and message in the first round of elections was Zehut, and the fact that this message is echoing through all the parties is Zehut’s victory. The fact that now I, the party chairman, as the one representing, if God willing everything goes right, will receive an executive role in the government in ofder to start implementing these ideas – is a tremendous victory. I think that only those who voted for Zehut really got something for their vote.”

You and Netanyahu have a long history of mutual mistrust. How can such a move manage to proceed despite this?

“It’s less an issue of trust and disbelief, and more an issue of need that creates trust. I became convinced that the Prime Minister meant what he was saying, and that he wanted to uphold the agreement he signed. What convinced me of this was precisely the things I didn’t get. I demanded far more than I received. I tried to get the biometric database cancelled, it was very important to pass a law I drafted after my son was very seriously injured in a car accident, which would place more responsibility on drivers who caused harm, and various and sundry other things. I saw that each item was thoroughly looked into, and what he felt he wouldn’t be able to do, he wouldn’t agree to. That gives me hope that things are really serious.”

After a brief reflection, he adds: “The fact that there is a very detailed and signed agreement, along with a declaration that couldn’t be more clear and open, and a few other reasons I won’t go into – brings me to the idea his intentions are desirable. I hope the actions will be desirable as well.”

Aren’t you worried that Netanyahu made promises, but doesn’t intend to keep them, and you’ll be left with a piece of paper and nothing more?

“Of course I’m afraid, but the goal is to bring Zehut’s ideas to Israeli society and realize them to the maximum degree possible. And when I look at the risk and reward of achieving this goal by one of two options – running until the end, or the way the prime minister offered me – it’s clear to me that the chance of bringing Zehut’s amazing platform to the maximum degree of realization in this way is much greater. Let me explain this by way of illustration: Suppose Zehut had run until the end and not crossed the threshold, and I knew that this offer had been made to me and I hadn’t taken it, I would find it difficult to forgive myself. Even in a case wehre the prime minister doesn’t manage to establish a government and in any case can’t uphold what is written in the agreement, my conscience will be clear. I’ll know that I did the most logical and most correct thing.”

How will you react if Netanyahu doesn’t comply with the agreement?

“I’m not preparing a furious speech, or anything like that. I was persuaded that he intends to implement it. I don’t think the road lined with roses and that there’ll be no need to fight for clauses in the agreement. It’s politics, and politics isn’t easy. I’ve never been accused of lacking determination, patients, and persistence”.

Aspiring to the Treasury

Many of the party’s voters disagreed with that description, according to which the Zehut chairman “did the right thing”, and they made their voices heard on social networks after the agreement was signed. The fervor of his voters led to accusations of Feiglin neglecting the principles, the platform, and the path in favor of a seat in the government. “I know that although the agreement was approved by an absolute majority of the members, there were a lot of people for whom it was difficult, because they took things personally,” Feiglin admits. “I don’t see it that way. I put aside all the remnants and debate I’ve had with the Prime Minister over the last 25 years, and did a calculation of what was right and proper. “

To answer those who are disappointed, Feiglin mentions a statement of Yossi Sarid after one of Meretz’s failures. “Sharon is talking about a Palestinian state and you say I lost?” Sarid then responded to someone wondering about the defeat. “When he said at at the time, it was etched in my memory,” Feiglin says. “Now look, the Prime Minister is talking about cannabis, and you say I lost? Bennett and Shaked are talking about almost every item in Zehut’s platform, though they don’t really mean it, and you say I lost? Itamar Ben-Gvir is talking about divorced fathers, and you say I lost? Yuly Edelstein is talking about transferring issues of religion and state to the community level, and you say I lost?

“The whole country today is talking about Zehut, and I, as the party’s chairman, received a commitment from the prime minister for a significant executive role so that I can start implementing this. So, of course, there is pain over the fact that we aren’t getting Zehut people into the Knesset this time, but I think that in a real way, and in the wider interest of the general public, there’s a fantastic achievement here, and in a very short time.”

Feiglin rejects statements according to which he has actually returned to the Likud, and declares that for him the goal continues to be running with Zehut in the next election as an independent party. “Unbelievable pressure was put on me to return to the Likud. Netanyahu himself also asked me to return, but I believe in Zehut and the party we established, and I want the party to exist for the People of Israel, and for the wonderful public that has already caught the Zehut bug. By the way, a move back to the Likud would erase all of the party’s debts, like Uzi Dayan and Effi Eitam and now Kachlon have done, and I refused. There was a very great temptation to do that.”

How high are the party’s debts estimated to be?

“It’s about two million. We’ve already covered good amounts. We did a lot of fundraising, and we plan a big membership drive to help. I can see how within two or three years, we’ll cover the debts. By the way, it’s not a lot of money. Uzi Dayan finished with a debt of eight million. Eli Yishai, who ran a minor campaign, finished with a debt of ten million. We, with polls that showed eight mandates, took a risk on half of that, and it’s a good thing we did. With that budget of four million, we ran a campaign of forty million.”

Which minister would you like to be?

“I would like to be the finance minister, and I’ve said this all along. I hope the prime minister manages to give me this position.”

You said that Zehut’s ideas were victorious, but it is hard to ignore bottom line: in the last election you lost, despite the promising polls in the home stretch. What’s your explanation?

“An unprecedented anti-Zehut intimidation campaign was run against us. The party had stepped on the toes of all the big establishments, and in my estimation there was also a lot of cartel money, and ultimately people panicked and were afraid to vote for Zehut. Add to that the fact that everyone was sure that Zehut was already in, with polls talking about eight or nine seats, so people chose to save other parties. The subjective reason was myself. You are always your greatest enemy. I made some cardinal mistakes, and I take responsibility for them.”

The foot video?

“The foot video was certainly one of them. Look, it was an ambush. To do it on Purim and save it for the Saturday night before the election, when you can no longer explain anything, is an ugly thing. And yes, I should have gotten up and left. The decision I made to go with it was a fatal mistake, and I’ve apologized to my constituents several times. Zehut created an expectation for a different kind of politics, and this was a disappointment.”

At the beginning of the current election campaign, it seemed that the new axis would actually be between Bennett and Feiglin. They were the first to meet and create a dialogue, and Bennett made it clear on more than one occasion that he would rather run with Zehut than return to the Bayit Yehudi – which he eventually did, along with Shaked. Feiglin reveals here how far their agreements had reached an advanced stage, including a decision on a joint press conference, which was eventually canceled.

Why did the contacts between you and Bennett blow up at the last minute?

“Because it suited Bennett to blow them up.”

You both seemed to believe in this connection, and going to Bayit Yehudi was a last-minute outcome.

“Yes, Ayelet Shaked pulled him that way. We had already closed a deal, we sat for three or four hours on Tuesday and shook hands. We concluded that the following Sunday we would have a press conference, and that we in Zehut would run the campaign. Everything was ready, including a joint logo, but to my surprise it suddenly disappeared. Closed and disappeared.”

Ayelet wasn’t present at these discussions?

“No. She was on vacation abroad.”

Are you sorry the connection was unsuccessful?

“I thought the connection between Bennett and me was real because Zehut isn’t a sectoral party and Bennett isn’t aiming in a sectoral direction. While there are significant differences between us in terms of the audiences we’re targeting, this connection was correct. I think the correct connection should have been Bayit Yehudi and Otzma, and us and the New Right. That was really the logical thing – everyone would have made it in. Now there’s an issue with Otzma, which I highly doubt will make it in, and there was a big doubt over whether we would make it in. It created a stir between the systems, which also raises a lot of doubt about the interests behind Shaked’s decisions”.

Would you care to elaborate on that?

“No. But I’m not the sentimental type, and I’m not crying over spilled milk. I believe in God, and that what needs to happen will eventually happen. What’s clear is that this election campaign is going to be very interesting. I have a gut feeling that it will be utter chaos. It isn’t going to be simple and easy.”

Did you try to work on another connection instead of the connection with Bennett that failed? With Otzma Yehudit, for example?

“Otzma Yehudit isn’t going to benefit from the fact that Zehut isn’t running,” Feiglin replies, meaning that there isn’t going to be a significant transfer of votes from him to them. “At one point I was ready to consider a technical block with them, even though that’s not what I wanted in the first place, but Michael Ben-Ari vetoed it for vague reasons, and I’m not sorry he did.”

Trying for too much

Even before the agreement was signed with the Likud, Feiglin’s party went through quite a few shake-ups. Just a month ago, Feiglin tried to advance the party’s director general to the head of the list, and encountered fierce opposition at home. This opposition even brought Feiglin to a brief show of resigning from his role as chairman. When he returned, Libby Molad and Rafael Minnes retired from the party, fourth and seventh (respectively) on the Zehut list for the 21st Knesset.

[Translator’s fact check: Minnes did not leave the party at the time; he did not do so until after the agreement with the Likud was approved by the party.]

“I made a move that didn’t hurt anyone, and in terms of the party’s constitution, it was perfectly legal,” Feiglin says now. “Those who objected told me explicitly that they had no problem with Shai Malka, but suddenly when it involved a spot before them instead of after them, it became a problem. It was passed off as moral arguments, but in practice everything revolved around list placements. It turns out that even the Zehut party has people and their foibles.”

Even on the eve of signing the agreement with the Likud, number two on the list, Gilad Alper, refused to support it until an appendix was added detailing the issue of legalization for patients, as we first published on Makor Rishon. When I ask Feiglin how he agreed to less than that in the original agreement, he rejects the claims and says briefly: “All that was achieved by the appendix was ​​a breakdown of what appeared in the agreement, so I didn’t compromise. The other sections could have been broken down as well.”

You said in the past that you would give Alper the senior Finance portfolio. What are Zehut people going to do now while you’re in the government?

“I really hope I can bring about a situation in which they are dominant in the corridors of government, each according to his field.”

Between Netanyahu and Feiglin, who last week reconciled in from of the nation, there has been a lot of bad blood over the years. In the past, Netanyahu had declared absolute war against the growth of Feiglin’s power in the Likud, and took a series of steps to stop it. Feiglin, for his part, ran against Netanyahu for leadership of the Likud, calling him a “strategic disaster for the State of Israel.”

So what has changed? “I said a lot of things,” Feiglin replies, when I remind him of these statements. “How did Netanyahu put it at the press conference? Our relationship has gone through ups and downs. Particularly downs. I told him that as a veteran cyclist I can attest that when there is a lot of descent, a lot of ascent follows. I hope that’s what happens here I had a lot of criticism about Netanyahu, and I assume I still will have, but along side it, I’ve found a fruitful platform for cooperation, certainly on economic and social issues, and I believe on political issues as well. Because of the serious and deep dialogue between us, I can make an impact.”

One of the clauses of the agreement relates to Jews going up to the Temple Mount, an issue that Feiglin has contended with a great deal, and which has been at the center of his long confrontation with Netanyahu. He is making do with a basic demand for “improving information, service, and waiting time for those going up to the Temple Mount.” I asked him why he had compromised so much.

“I’ll go back to what I explained at the beginning. Why do I think this agreement will be fulfilled? Because Netanyahu didn’t give what he felt he couldn’t fulfill. Rest assured that I was trying to achieve much more. It’s not as though what appears is everything I asked for. In the end, we had to settle for this, and this really isn’t minor. I can show you letters I’ve received from the Temple Mount people, who were very excited that the issue was being raised and that the Prime Minister was addressing it. Of course it’s far from what I would like to see, but I didn’t forget the Temple Mount for a moment.”

Stardust

“Kulanu” voters didn’t add a single mandate to the Likud after Kahlon merged it back in. Will Zehut voters follow you to Likud?

“The Likud conducted investigations, very in-depth investigations, and that’s what led it to the agreement, otherwise they wouldn’t have bothered. I believe this story will add at least two seats to the right-wing bloc. These are not only Zehut voters who are going to vote for the Likud, but also voters who come back from Liberman. There’s a high correlation between concentrations of Russian speakers and higher percentages of votes for Zehut, so we have an impact on this segment, and we certainly intend to persuade Lieberman voters to vote for Machal, which means that it’s not only those who voted for Zehut that we’re hoping will vote for Machal now, but far beyond that. Voting for Zehut with a Machal ballot. That’s our slogan.”

Will you participate in the Likud campaign?

“We’re already in contact with their headquarters, and our activists are going out and printing materials. We will be part of the Zehut campaign, and I emphasize – in no way have we become part of the Likud. By the way, the agreement doesn’t speak only about an executive ministerial role, but also about a roll as a member of the ministerial committee on legislation. As an MK whose proposed laws were blocked there, I know that this is a very important role.”

But still, you’re only one person. You don’t have a coalition with which to promote initiatives and laws.

“That’s right. It’s an interesting position. In a way it provides more freedom.”

But what about a coalition and alliances and the ability get things done?

“I hope the prime minister will be my coalition. He signed an agreement, and this agreement has a very respectable number of clauses that are mainly about the younger generation and its ability to establish and raise families in this country without dreaming of Portugal and groaning under regulations and a high cost of living. It’s possible.

“When the press conference ended, I was reminded that I didn’t mention the greatest achievement to journalists, so I’ll tell you. The greatest achievement of the agreement is that it is all aid for the people of Israel. Zehut is an all-Israeli party. Say what you will about us, but no one is looking at us as a party of any sector In the long run, this is a great achievement, and it’s what I’ve always wanted to achieve. That thing once called religious Zionism is going to start becoming a universal Israeli leadership.”

At this point in the conversation, Feiglin pulls out his phone and shows me a heartbreaking video to illustrate the importance of the struggle over cannabis. On his way to Jerusalem, he visited a man who, 18 years ago, was seriously injured in a car accident, and has since been paralyzed from the neck down. During the visit, the wounded man told him that since the Health Ministry had stopped supplying the drug, he intends to shorten his life. In the video, Feiglin appears to have trouble restraining his tears.

“The agreement we signed talks about the drug he needs being something you can get for the first time from anywhere in the world,” Feiglin says. “The agreement also talks about lowering tariffs, about importers being able to bring in products that have approval from a standards institute in a developed country without having to pass through the Israeli Standards Institute again, and how to facilitate small business start-ups. I’m not concerned about what’s going on for me or my people. This is good news for all the People of Israel, and this is a leadership that sees the whole of Israel.”

As someone who purports to act from a cross-sectoral angle, Feiglin has been harshly critical of religious Zionism, which he believes has “lost its message.” In his words, “Religious Zionism as a movement was buried in the sands of Gush Katif, because it proved that it was unable to draw boundaries for itself and therefore for its surroundings. Through the fences of Kfar Maimon, it dispersed in every direction, to the most extreme nationalist Haredism on one side, and to the formerly religious on the other. It scattered the stardust of extraordinary qualities, which Israeli society probably cannot do without, but as a movement it no longer exists, because it didn’t do what was expected of it, which was to create an alternative to the leadership.”

And where will you be in a decade? Are you going to fight to be prime minister?

“The goal remains the same goal, but there’s no doubt that the road to the goal is full of ups and downs, difficulties and surprises. I believe that a person is the sum of his scratches, and life has scratched me up quite a bit,” he concludes with a smile.